I am somewhat in agreement on the point that there is a rationale for Fox beyond the public policy concern. I do think the judges as a whole are not entirely in agreement on what that rationale is, however. Students and commentators spend a lot of time
on Galligan’s opinion, but a close look seems to indicate that there is a great deal of disagreement on the rationale. At least one, and perhaps both, justices are uncomfortable with Galligan’s approach.
I also agree that public policy was not necessary in Fox. That has long been my objection to it.
I, too, have puzzled about why counsel were unprepared to argue the question of whether public policy prevents discrimination in “private, family trusts.” Perhaps I’m giving them all too much credit, but I half wonder that it’s because they might have
been surprised by the question. Having been told in Leonard that the decision does not apply to private trusts, they perhaps thought that question was settled, or at least not up for discussion in the context of the facts in Fox. Perhaps like you and I,
counsel in Fox were well aware that courts have long countenanced religious discrimination in trusts even in Ontario and so were not prepared with any comprehensive argument. The fact that no one was prepared to argue the question should have been a sign
to the court that it’s off-hand treatment of the issue was ill-advised. That, for me, raises deep concerns about the motives and wisdom of just charging ahead. It’s why I say that the public policy portion of Galligan’s opinion is just sloppy.
I am also hostile to Murley’s Estate. That really does seem to be an ill-bred opinion.
The combination of Galligan J. in Fox and the single sentence in Murley provide ammunition to those, like me --- and I agree I may be a small and eccentric minority --- who are hostile to the sweeping use of public policy to justify what appear to be
personal preferences of the judges involved.
I do agree with your view on McCorkill, however. It really does raise some interesting points.
Matthew P. Harrington
I agree with Lionel that Fox Estate has a compelling rationale completely unrelated to the doctrine of public policy. Of course, this is one of the very reasons why the Court's comments on the public policy issue are so notable: it was completely unnecessary
to even go there. And having gone there, Galligan J. does not proceed cautiously but rather boldly reasons (para 18) from the premise that testators cannot lawfully discriminate on religious grounds to the conclusion that neither can trustees. The numerous
authorities upholding religiously conditioned testamentary dispositions were effectively ignored. Given the sensitivities surrounding public policy as a basis for striking testamentary (and other) dispositions, it is surprising that Justice Galligan saw no
need to offer much in the way of explanation here.
What is even more surprising is the revelation in para 18 that counsel would not argue, despite being expressly invited by the Court, that religious conditions in private family trusts are valid. Given that it is not obvious, at least not to me, that
testators are prohibited from drawing religious and other like distinctions, it would be interesting to discover why counsel for the trustee conceded this point. Whatever the explanation, this meant that Galligan J's dogmatic comment on the limits of testamentary
freedom resulted from the absence of argument on point rather than a fulsome consideration of the relevant authorities (of which there are many).
Murley Estate v Murley [1995] N.J. No. 177 is also an interesting example of a thinly reasoned judgment in which a religiously conditioned testamentary disposition was struck on public policy grounds. The Court dealt with the public policy issue in but
a single sentence with no explanation whatsoever.
McCorkill at least attempts to provide a plausible account of why the bequest to the National Alliance was struck on public policy grounds. It is just that the explanation expands the focus, which has traditionally been on the character of the bequest,
to now also include some assessment of the character of the beneficiary. True, the case is unique. However, if we accept that the testator's estate would have had no recourse had the National Alliance used the bequest for some purpose unrelated to its discriminatory
ends, then the case starts to look very similar to a bequest subject to a non-binding precatory condition that the beneficiary use the bequest in some objectionable way. Perhaps others are aware of cases in which a testator's mere non-binding wishes have
been held sufficient to vitiate a bequest but I am not.
personal prejudices. That is not allowed in any jurisdiction, not because
correct interpretation. Fox inscribes itself in a long line of cases that
AC 730, 746 (PC).
acting, fiduciary to act alone).
McCorkill did not involve a fiduciary power and is quite a different case.
similar situations that may arise in the future.
How¹s this:
I read Leonard as a rather narrow case, applicable to its facts. The
majority clearly says it is not making any decision as to discrimination
in charitable trusts in general. Other courts that have considered
Leonard have clearly noted this, with the BC courts saying Leonard is
³limited to its facts.²
As for Fox¹s Estate, I contend that it is simply wrong. It cites Leonard
as outlawing all discrimination in trusts, both public and private. It
completely ignores Leonard¹s refusal to go beyond the facts of the
Leonard trust and then misconstrues Leonard¹s holding with respect to
private trusts. I am quite hostile to Fox, and I think more people ought
to be. Read it carefully as an analysis of Leonard, one might give it an
³F² if handed in by a student. Beyond mis-citing Leonard, the judges in
Fox give no reasons for their decision --- no explanation as to how the
expansion from Leonard¹s plain language that it applies to charitable
trusts winds up affecting family trusts. In short, Fox is a sloppy piece
of work, even if one thinks it is the right result.
If you look at the cases outside Ontario, almost no court follows Leonard
or Fox. (If you have one, please do let me know since I`m working on
this problem.) Courts in NS, BC and Mann have ignored Fox completely and
limited Leonard to its facts. (NFLD has an outlier case but it's thin.)
Leonard, Fox and McCorkill raise the public policy question. Fox gives
the public policy argument a bad name since its lack of reasoning leaves
it open to the challenge that it is just a case of judges substituting
their preferences for precedent.
I wonder that McCorkill may not be considered similar to Leonard, i.e.,
limited to its facts: It¹s an egregious example of discrimination, but
is there really enough there in the reasoning to suggest anything about
how gifts to foreign corporations or individuals ought to be decided?
After all, despite the way people talk about Leonard, trusts for
religious groups that discriminate against non-members are still valid,
as are trusts that discriminate on the basis of race (even in Ontario).
This is true no matter how many casebooks repeat the assertion that
³discriminatory trusts are invalid.²
Can¹t McCorkill be seen as simply a rather ugly one-off?
---------------------------------------
Matthew P. Harrington
Professeur titulaire
Faculté de droit
Université de Montréal
3101 chemin de la Tour
Montréal, Québec H3T 1J7
514.343.6105
www.droit.umontreal.ca
---------------------------------------
Sent: Friday, August 01, 2014 5:44 PM
Hi Adam and Stephen,
The debt question is a good test. I suppose a hard-working judge who
liked my analysis might allow a claim in unjust enrichment by individuals
(members, shareholders) who would be deprived by the non-recognition of
the corporation. After all, if you say it does not exist for the purposes
of NB law, you have to analyse the case as if it did not exist, i.e. only
looking at the natural people involved, so the borrower, having secured
the non-recognition of the corporation, could not turn around and say "I
did not borrow from the individuals, I borrowed from the corporation".
On the other hand, if the loan was linked to the criminally unlawful
(under Canadian law) activities of the NA, I would not expect the the
debt claim to succeed, any more than I would expect a debt claim by a
foreign organized-crime loan shark to succeed in a New Brunswick court.
Alternatively, it may be correct to say that the case is more about
limits on testamentary freedom, leaving the debt case untouched. I agree
with Adam that this is how it is reasoned.
But either way I think this case goes beyond 'unpalatable' in relation to
the beneficiary's activities/objects. I would use the word 'unlawful'.
Criminally unlawful, in Canada, with clear private law effects inasmuch
as also in violation of the human rights acts. Surely no one is surprised
by the intervention of public policy reasoning in the face of criminal
activity? That is the easiest case for when the normal rules have to
yield.
I tend to agree that both the reasoning in the case, and my spin, lead to
a situation where a gift to a racist individual would be valid. So far as
I understand, the recognition of a non-forum natural person as a person
in forum law does not pass through private international law.
Right now, that does not bother me, that is, I find McCorkill appealing
even though I accept that a gift to a racist individual could not be
stopped by its reasoning. I'm not sure I see a problem with this. If Mr.
McCorkill leaves his money outright to Mr. Racist, the head of the
organization, then of course Mr. Racist can do whatever he wants with the
money. McCorkill, I suspect, did not want that. He wanted the money to be
assigned to particular activities. That is the whole problem, because
those activities are criminally unlawful in the forum. As in many fields,
you can't have it both ways. If he gave it to Mr. Racist subject to an
express or secret trust to employ it in certain ways, no one would
disagree that that those trusts or conditions would be subject to a
public policy analysis. So, I don't see the problem with applying the
same filter just because a corporation is involved in order to ensure the
affectation of the property to a particular purpose.
I teach corporate law and I think that in most situations, corporate
personality should be taken very seriously. The reason so much economic
analysis of corporate law goes off the rails is that, being economic
analysis, it tends to ignore the corporation and look only at the natural
people, which may be fine for economic analysis but is not right for
legal analysis. But when we are in the realm of criminal illegality, we
are not constrained by the same principles that otherwise apply.
L.
Date: Friday, 1 August 2014 at 14:09
Subject: Re: ODG: Unconditional Bequest Struck on the Basis of Public
Policy
I share Stephen's suspicion that an NB court would indeed be likely to
recognize the National Alliance as a foreign entity possessing the
capacity to enforce a debt obligation, or other like proceeding, in an NB
court. This complicates the suggestion that McCorkill is ultimately
concerned not with the public policy limits of testamentary freedom but
rather with the application of public policy in private international law.
One might say in reply that a bequest is readily distinguishable from a
debt proceeding. As a donative transfer, the bequest does more than any
other kind of transaction or proceeding to economically enable the
nefarious pursuits of the National Alliance. But the difference here is
merely one of degree. It is not a difference in kind. It is therefore
not obvious why the repugnant activities of the National Alliance would
be a controlling consideration in one context but not the other, unless,
of course, what is ultimately driving the analysis in McCorkill is a
concern over policing the limits of testamentary freedom (which is how
McCorkill was expressly reasoned). This takes us back to the issues I
previously raised about McCorkill having potentially expanded the
doctrine of public policy to now include a judicial discretion to strike
unconditional bequests to unpalatable beneficiaries.
What if the beneficiary in McCorkill was not a foreign corporation but
rather a foreign individual? Would principles of private international
law still allow the court to disregard the individual as a legal person
with capacity to receive an NB bequest due to his or her racist
tendencies? If so, then the court's insistence in McCorkill that
bequests to individuals are categorically distinct from bequests to
corporations comes under attack. If not, then we are left with a
doctrine allowing bequests to racist individuals but not to racist
corporations. If this is the law, then foreign racists are well-advised
to not incorporate and/or testators with racist sympathies are
well-advised to leave their estates to the directing minds of the
National Alliance rather than to the National Alliance itself. There is
something not particularly satisfying about either outcome.
How will future courts deal with McCorkill? The cases in this area of
law reveal a certain willingness of late on the part of courts to give
large and liberal interpretations to precedents limiting testamentary
freedom on the basis of public policy. In the not too distant past, the
Ontario Court of Appeal in Canada Trust Co. v. Ontario Human Rights
Commission [1990] O.J. No. 615 struck the shockingly bigoted provisions
of a charitable trust on the basis of public policy, expressly noting in
paragraph 100 that that case "does not affect private, family trusts." A
few years later, the very same court in Fox v. Fox Estate [1996] O.J. No.
375 cited Canada Trust Co. (paragraph 16) in the context of - of all
things - a discriminatory exercise of a power of appointment under a
private family trust.
Three questions:
Question #1: if the NA loaned someone in NB some money and then was not
repaid, and the NA started proceedings in NB to recover the money, would
the NB court hold that the plaintiff is not an entity with the capacity
to sue?
Normally the capacity to sue for fictional legal entities is governed by
the law of their "home" jurisdiction. So entities that would not be seen
to have the capacity to sue in the forum nonetheless can so sue if they
have that capacity under that law. I assume the NA does have such
capacity under the law of its "home" jurisdiction.
Would the NB court say that as a matter of NB's public policy, the NA is
so awful that its very existence and capacity to sue should not be
recognized, so that it cannot bring a claim to recover the money it
loaned? It would surprise me if it did. And so I am equally surprised
that it would say it is not a valid entity for purposes of receiving a
gift.
Question #2: if the gift was not to the NA but instead to an individual,
resident in Virginia, who believed and did all the same things the NA
did, would the NB court say that the individual was a non-entity and so
not able to receive the gift?
Question #3: why is this interesting and controversial decision not in
CanLII or QuickLaw? Is it on a public website at all? I found it, with
some effort, through the Canadian Lawyer magazine.
My first two questions point in the direction that this decision might
not be adequately explained in capacity or entity terms. Beyond that, I
worry that this decision is counter to comity. Conduct that clearly does
not fly in NB does fly, legally, in other parts of the world, and so
there seems the possibility of over-reaching in the court's decision to
invalidate this gift based on conduct that will happen elsewhere. The
decision seems quite a broad deployment of public policy.
Stephen
On 31/07/2014 6:16 PM, Lionel Smith, Prof. wrote:
Thanks Adam.
It is not quite a question of capacity in the strict sense‹in most
jurisdictions today, just as in some contexts since long ago, the stated
objects of a corporation do not limit its capacity, but acting outside
the objects is still unlawful and can be sanctioned in various ways.
A charitable corporation does not hold its property in trust, but it is
required to operate according to its constitution which, in the case of
charitable corporations, will include stated objects (because without
them it would be impossible to say that the entity existed for solely
charitable purposes).
Of course, many modern corporate regimes (outside of charity) permit
corporations that lack stated objects. So a more difficult question is
whether the result in McCorkill could follow if the National Alliance was
unrestricted by its constitution, but still carried on its hateful
activities.
I think it is germane that the recognition of any legal construct
originating in another jurisdiction‹a corporation, a trust, a marriage or
other contract‹is always pursuant to principles of private international
law. Most constructs are recognized as a matter of routine comity, but
even though we might not notice this, recognition is always subject to
the limits of public order.
If an entity is devoted to the carrying on of repulsive activities, that
are contrary to the fundamental values of the forum, then the forum court
should simply not recognize it as a matter of local law. This would be
possible even if that entity was free to carry on other activities, and
indeed even if, according to the law of the place of origin of the
entity, its activities are permissible.
Perhaps this is the best reading of the judgment: the gift failed because
it was made to an entity that, according to the public policy (in the
private international law sense) of New Brunswick law, was a non-entity.
Lionel
Date: Thursday, July 31, 2014 at 17:12
Subject: Re: ODG: Unconditional Bequest Struck on the Basis of Public
Policy
Thank you Lionel. There is an indeed an appeal to that reasoning, though
it rests on an assumption that corporations hold property for the stated
purposes of the corporation. That needs to be reconciled with the
principle - common to many jurisdictions - that corporations have the
capacity of natural persons. I confess that I have not looked at the
state of Virginia corporate law on point. Assuming that principle
applies in Virginia, which was not considered in McCorkill, the idea
developed by the Court that a bequest to a corporation is readily
distinguishable from a bequest to an individual becomes more difficult to
sustain.
Even in the charitable context, the most apt analogy is not to a
contribution to a charitable trust, which very clearly becomes subject to
the purposes of the trust, but rather a contribution to a charitable
corporation. I am not aware of any authority having definitively
established that a charitable corporation necessarily holds all donations
in trust for its purposes as they existed at the time of the donation.
Thanks for this Adam. Very interesting indeed.
Surely one could argue that it is not like an unrestricted bequest to an
individual, since presumably the foreign corporation has a constitution
that requires it to pursue certain goals and/or activities. This point is
made by the judge at [73]ff. In the same way, an 'unrestricted' bequest
to a charity that was organized in the form of a trust would not be an
unrestricted bequest, but effectively an accretion to the existing trust
and thus an adoption by the testator of the terms of that charitable
trust. (Of course, a corporation can change its constitution, but then
again any trust can in principle be varied (in most jurisdictions)).
So this testator wanted to make a gift to a corporation but the
corporation would not, I presume, be recognized as a legal person under
Canadian law, because its constitution (or activities, or both) were
unlawful under our laws. In that perspective the decision is not so
surprising.
Lionel
Date: Thursday, 31 July 2014 at 16:10
Subject: ODG: Unconditional Bequest Struck on the Basis of Public Policy
Dear All:
A recent decision of the New Brunswick Court of Queen's Bench (McCorkill
v Streed 2014 NBQB 148) is attracting some attention here in Canada
amongst estates lawyers. The Court took the unusual step of striking an
unconditional residual bequest on the basis of public policy.
The beneficiary of the bequest was the National Alliance, a Virginia
corporation with a white supremacist agenda. Justice Grant assessed the
formal validity of the bequest by looking to the purposes to which the
National Alliance would apply the bequest. Finding that the National
Alliance engages, albeit in the U.S., in what qualifies as unlawful hate
speech under Canadian criminal law, Justice Grant concluded that the
bequest was against public policy and thus void.
Justice Grant essentially reasoned that, since the racist purposes to
which the National Alliance would presumably apply the bequest could be
inferred, and were presumably in the contemplation of the testator, the
validity of the bequest could (and should) be assessed from the vantage
that the unconditional bequest was in reality an express trust for those
racist purposes.
I confess to this being my first experience with this reasoning. The
case equates an unrestricted bequest to a known racist with an overtly
racist purpose trust. It contemplates a judicial discretion to
re-characterize facially valid testamentary dispositions into problematic
legal forms never intended by testators. It invites future courts to
evaluate not only the express conditions attaching to bequests but also
the ways in which beneficiaries are anticipated by testators to use
unconditional bequests, or more generally, the deservedness of
beneficiaries.
I would be much obliged if anyone can point me in the direction of
similar cases or relevant scholarly commentary.
Regards,
Adam
--
Adam Parachin
Associate Professor
Faculty of Law
University of Western Ontario
(519) 661-2111 Ext. 81445
--
Adam Parachin
Associate Professor
Faculty of Law
University of Western Ontario
(519) 661-2111 Ext. 81445
--
Professor Stephen G.A. Pitel
Faculty of Law, Western University
(519) 661-2111 ext 88433
--
Adam Parachin
Associate Professor
Faculty of Law
University of Western Ontario
(519) 661-2111 Ext. 81445
(519) 661-2111 Ext. 81445